CHRISTAN WEDGE – TO BE DISLODGED FOR REMOVING DISTRUST BETWEEN NORTH & SOUTH INDIANS, AND FOR PEACE WITH SRI LANKA !!! AND FOR A SMOOTH SWEARING IN CEREMONY OF THE NEW PM WITHOUT CONTROVERSIES

Is there a  Christian involvement in the disturbances in Southern India, and even involving Lankan Tamils. There is, and the seeds  sown during Colonial Rule has fructified  for harvesting !!!

( (1)    Dravidian Separatism Coupled with Tamil Linguistic Chauvinism. –

The Aryan-Dravidian hypothesis, a contribution of Protestant Christian Britain was buttressed using LINGUISTIC THEORY  by Francis Whyte Ellis, a Madras civilian. This theory was then propagated by Bishop Robert Caldwell, Bishop of Tinnevely.  The Bishop  assuming that Sanskrit, Brahminism and Caste, were frustrating his labour in Conversion, mounted attacks on all three. The baton from him was later taken by Shri E.V.R Periyar, and then Dravida Kazhakam, who could alter the imagination of the people and come to power. Maybe this party would have been helped by our colonial masters, helping its consolidation in TN. The DMK & AIADMK, offsprings of DK, are nursing the festering wound, made by this Christian wedge, because it gives them certain political advantages. They are also afraid to let go of these emotions and resort to logic & reason, fearing political one-upmanship from the rival party. Thus Smt Jayalalitha tries to outsmart Shri Karunanidhi and vice-versa, and thus the real issues get muddied.

Unquestioningly, uncritically we had accepted the Language Theories of Caldwell, relating to S.Indian Languages.  His Book “A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages” is being prescribed/ taught  in Madras University.  Compared to Indians, Britain never had any tradition or knowledge in Linguistics.  In India as part religious studies,  along with the Vedas, language studies like, grammar, phonetics, etymology, poesy etc were taught from time immemorial. From Sanskrit or reverse, the same system was available in vernacular languages, especially Tamil. Our ancestors, proficient in Tamil or Sanskrit or both, and also knowing linguistics, were mature and peaceable men, and utilized their linguistic skills in unifying the minds of Indians, pan-India. The Missionaries and Christians had all undone that ,with their racist and wrong linguistic theories, pitting S.Indians against N.Indians, who all share a common ethos.

Relevant Quote from Wikipedia

“Dravidian language hypothesis[edit]

Ellis is most noted for being the first scholar to recognize the Dravidian languages as a separate language family.[3] [4] Robert Caldwell, who is often credited as the first scholar to propose a separate language family for South Indian languages, acknowledges Ellis's contribution in his preface to the first edition of A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages:[5]

The first to break ground in the field was Mr. Ellis, a Madras civilian, whose was profoundly versed in the Tamil language and literature, and whose interesting but very brief comparison, not of the grammatical forms, but only of some of the vocables of three Dravidian dialects, is contained in his introduction to Campbell's Telugu Grammar.” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Whyte_Ellis

2. Church and its links to Tamil Separatists in Sri Lanka.

The claim by Sri Lankan Catholic officials, that their persistent efforts with the UN had paid-off, shows their interest in conflict in Sri Lanka.The following is from a Christian Website dtd 04/01/14. http://www.ncregister.com/daily-news/churchs-perseverance-in-sri-lanka-pays-off/ Quote “The United Nations will investigate possible war crimes in the island nation, fulfilling a request made by Sri Lankan Catholic officials who have endured harassment and pressure from nationalist groups.”

The reaction to the above Church News-letter is at the following link :- http://www.lankaweb.com/news/items/2014/04/04/is-the-catholic-church-spearheading-war-crimes-inquiry-against-sri-lanka/

Quote :- “The orphanages LTTE picked its child ‘soldiers’ from were run by the Catholic clergy, the suicide cadres were Christians or Hindus by name only, most had even become ‘born again’s.’ Dhanu the suicide bomber who killed Rajiv Gandhi was a Catholic. The peace facilitating nations were all Christian evangelical nations who had their NGOs working closely with LTTE. LTTE theoretician was a Christian, Adele Balasingham the nurse who trained children to kill and take their own lives was also a Christian, many of LTTE’s top leaders were all Christian or namesake Hindus. The most influential evidence is the manner that dead LTTErs were all buried and not cremated as Hindus and Buddhists do. The orphanages were run by Christian priests, Christian priests have been arrested in the past for possessing arms and transporting arms for the LTTE, Christian priests have led pro-LTTE protests and placing these against letters calling for war crimes against Sri Lanka doesn’t really give the priests the look of impartial actors.”

 The Catholic Church in Sri Lanka is thus  implicated, in fuelling Tamil Seperatism in Sri Lanka and having direct links with LTTE or encouraging terrorism.

Further the LTTE-Christian ties is given at the following link http://ltte-christian-ties.blogspot.in/

Read also about Tamil Elam –Church connection http://indianrealist.com/2009/04/30/tamil-ealm-churchs-brainchild/

3. Koodankulam

Koodankulam is in Tirunelveli Dist, having a sizeable Christian population. Similarly the adjoining Kanyakumari Dist is also having a sizeable Christian Population. Here the Church played its game during the recent LS elections, but failed miserably. See the following link for more details. http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-tamilnadu/how-religion-and-caste-helped-nda-win-2-seats/article6023667.ece  Quote “The BJP’s victory, with a margin of over 1.3 lakh, comes despite the churches supporting Mr. Vasantha Kumar, whom they perceived as the “winning horse” in the last minute. If the idea was to stop the BJP from winning the seat, it boomeranged. Apart from the BJP’s base vote share, the youths in the district, educated and looking for employment, have voted for change.”

“The proportion of Christians in Tirunelveli is larger than any other province in India.^[28]”= http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tirunelveli#CITEREFO.27Connor2000

As of 2001, the distribution of population based on religion was 51.27 percent Hindu, 44.47 percent Christian, 4.20 percent Muslim and 0.57 percent professing other beliefs.^[6]  - This statistics is for Kanyakumari Dist. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanyakumari_district

The agitation against the Nuclear Power Plant at Koodamkulam is another sinister game by the Church. Do they sincerely want to protect the environment and its people !!? If it is so, then it is laudatory.

Quote:-  “Christian Christian Conspiracy[edit]

There are allegations from various agencies throughout India and officials from Home Ministry that several Christian organisations and Christian NGOs are behind the protest against KKNPP.[37] The Church of South India, The Catholic Bishops Conference of India[38] and the National Council of Churches openly oppose the KKNPP.[39] It is also implicitly recognizable that officials in the Catholic Church of these regions too spread rumours through anti-nuclear videos from church premises and through Missionary Schools.[40] The prime motives for opposing the Nuclear Reactor were allegedly multi-faceted. One of the allegations was that the protest was meant to damage the Russian civil nuclear credibility and to make it impossible for Russia to recover costs of construction, and thereby, artificially creating a state of uncertainty for future foreign investments in India[41] Another was that it was meant to increase the inevitable dependability of India towards the US alone for future foreign investments.” From link http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kudankulam_Nuclear_Power_Plant

4. MULLAIPERIYAR ISSUE BETWEEN KERALA & TN

In Kerala, the Mullaiperiyar  issue was given momentum by Min. P.J.Joseph belonging to Kerala Congress, a Christian party. He had completed BA economics from Loyola College, Chennai and MA economics from Sacred Hearts College, Thevara. The population in Idukki Dist where Mullaiperiyar Dam is located is  majority Christian, as also the  places through which the river Periyar flows. ie. Ernakulam Dist . Refer the following link for the statistics based on religion. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religion_in_Kerala, The Church is an active participant in the  political struggles in the Dist, and is even posturing against environmental protection of the Western Ghats. They are dead against the Kasturi-rangan/Gadgil Proposal, designed to save the Western Ghats from destruction. In the recent elections, the Church favoured a candidate from the Left who had opposed the Gadgil Proposal, and this particular candidate won. Quote “In Idukki the Left just ‘adopted’ a candidate selected by the Catholic Church that has been spearheading the anti-Kasturirangan panel report campaign and reaped the benefits in this UDF bastion, skillfully making use of the rift within the Kerala Congress (M) and the Congress.” http://www.ucanindia.in/news/communists-gain-three-seats-in-keralas-christian-heartland/24985/daily

Destruction and Ruin of Western Ghats will affect the people living in the mid-lands and coastal areas of Kerala side as well as the people in TN, which is the opposite side. Western Ghats is the source of drinking water, and its acts as a sponge, absorbing and releasing water slowly, and thus the source of almost 40 rivers emptying into the Arabian Sea. Similarly it is also a source of water to places in TN and especially through the Muallaiperiyar Dam. Wonder why the Church is not concerned with this vast population, compared to the population of Idukki Dist, in Kerala !!???

The Hon. Judge K.T Thomas, who was in the Supreme Court Panel to arbitrate on the dam issue is also a Malayali Christian. After the verdict, he is disliked by the people(Christians) of Idukki and Erankulam Dist, but he defended his position saying he was impartial and just doing his duty, and the conclusions regarding the dam were arrived at after studying the data & facts , supplied by TN & Kerala. He said his allegiance is to the SC, not Kerala. He says that the dam is strong as per the data provided by both state officials and as per his own investigation. See his interview in India today http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/mullaperiyar-dam-k-t-thomas-exclusive-interview-with-india-today/1/360173.html

The Christian lobby with the Church support are behind this agitation. One reason it is said is to create enmity between Tamilians & Malayalees, thus preventing Tamilnadu pilgrims from visiting Sabarimala Temple. Christians had attempted to destroy the Sabarimala temple in the 1950’s. This is based on circumstantial evidence gathered, as  per  the enquiry report, published by the Govt of Kerala in 1957. For full details http://indianrealist.com/2010/01/16/mullaperiyar-dam-controversy-and-sabarimala/

Between Koodamkulam & Kasturirangan/Gadgil  recommendations to save Western Ghats, are the Christians & Church, playing a double game !!??

Thus Church institutions, powerful and influential as they are, are very active, in creating tension and conflicts in various parts of India, especially SOUTH INDIA and neighbouring Sri Lanka. One of their chief aim is undermining Hinduism and the second is to break India apart. They are also very keen that alienation happens between North and South Indians. They also desire enmity between Malayalees and Tamilians, and they had  in the past stirred up hostility between Nairs & Christian Nadars in South Travancore.

SABARIMALA  TEMPLE ARSON CASE 

http://www.scribd.com/doc/33086934/Sabarimala-Temple-Arson-Case-Enquiry-Report

MAN MACHINE CONFLICT - ROOT OF HOSTILITY BETWEEN NATIONS & COMMUNITIES

The problem of Tamil fishermen of TN VS Tamil Fishermen

 of Northern Srilanka has to be viewed from a different 

perspective. The real villain is the harvesting of fishing 

grounds using MACHINES.- Our politicians overlook this and

 mislead the people for selfish gains.

The vindication of the artisanal fishermen

BOOK REVIEW IN THE HINDU dtd 11/03/2014 by NITYANAND JAYARAMAN

In September 2012, the Tamil Nadu police brutally broke up a peaceful anti-nuclear sit-in by fisherfolk and farmers in Koodankulam — the site where two nuclear power plants of Russian origin are being set up. Rajesh Das, one of the state’s top cops, who oversaw the police attack had this to say about the protestors: “They are very simple people, knowing nothing but fishing and eating. They are being manipulated.”

Ajantha Subramanian’s book, Shorelines: Space and Rights in South India reminded me that Das is merely the latest in a long list of simple-minded people who are blinded by their own positions of privilege from seeing fishers as anything but primitives that are led by the nose by one or the other manipulator. Ajantha recounts her conversation with N. Dennis, a Congress politician from Kanyakumari, about the time in 1970s when local fishers belonging to the Mukkuvar community switched from voting nationalist Congress to the Dravidian DMK. “When I suggested that perhaps Mukkuvars knowingly voted for someone who they thought might respond to their concerns,” Ajantha recalls, “Dennis laughed and said, “What do coastal folk know about democracy? In their world, there is only prayer and fish.”

This book is a painstaking effort that succeeds in arguing for a nuanced understanding of Mukkuvar fishers and their negotiations with power and politics. Ajantha rejects the notion of the subaltern as outside and incapable of engaging in democracy, and brings out the rich creativity of catholic Mukkuvars in negotiating institutional power structures — be it of the Raja, the catholic or protestant church, of political parties or the state.

The author’s treatment of the subject of space and rights in India’s southwestern coast makes this book a valuable resource for social commentators, activists and bureaucrats. It is a remarkable feat that the author has achieved in weaving together the complex interplay of class, caste, notions of science and tradition, of religion and morality and fishers’ “projects of intermediacy” to present a narrative on the history of developmentalism in the region in an engaging style.

Science vs. Folk

More valuably, Ajantha presents an effective and replicable framework of analysis that can be used to tease out important details on how people perceived to be without “agency” actually influence and shape powerful institutions and their own destinies.

What has been said in the book about the Mukkuvars can just as easily apply to the Paravar catholic fishers of the Southeastern coast. And the Mukkuvar stereotype described in the book — of fishers as a brawling, ignorant, superstitious, unscientific, tribal and primitive peoples resistant to change and modernity — is invoked equally to describe fishers from other parts of Tamil Nadu by state actors and inland communities.

The treatment of the ongoing anti-nuclear protests epicentred in the Paravar village of Idinthakarai provides a case in point. Fisher concerns regarding radiation, pollution and safety were summarily dismissed as the rantings of ignorant primitives. The state positioned itself as “scientific” and invoked the “folk” nature of the fisher community to relegate their concerns to the realm of nonsense. The stand-off between “science” and “folk” was most evident when fishers were blamed for being obstinate, unreasonable and unscientific for not changing their minds even after former President Abdul Kalam gave a clean chit to the nuclear plant. At various points, the anti-nuclear protests — and by implication, the fisherfolk — were projected by the state as being led by the “church,” by some “foreign hand,” and by “maoist” infiltrators.

Dismissing fishers as people without agency is a terrible folly, and this conclusion is forcefully argued in Ajantha’s book. The author presents a comprehensive exploration of what agency actually means, and how Kanyakumari’s fishers have manoeuvred and negotiated secular and religious spaces as deftly as they have moved in and out of patronage and rights.

Shorelines is peppered with examples that testify to the fact that loyalties are never permanent, never unconditional, and that things are not always what they appear to be. Some examples are downright amusing — for readers, if not for the subjects mentioned in the example. One example recounts the predicament of a parish priest who was nominated by the parish fishers to represent them in a negotiation with the Public Works Department regarding the construction of a bridge to their village. The priest’s consent was not sought. Not only was he forced to represent them against his own will and convictions, the parishioners insisted that he wear his cassock to the meeting. The representative role of the priest, the book argues, is often a conscious choice exercised by fishers rather than “an automatic by-product of unquestioned clerical authority.”

Those, like the reviewer, who are fascinated by all things coastal, will find chapters 3 to 6 particularly interesting. The changing attitude of the colonial and post-colonial state towards fishing, fishers and fish as a resource is effectively documented using a combination of historical research and ethnography. It is in these chapters that one sees the arrogance of “western science” and its literate practitioners at war with the perceived superstition, primitiveness and non-science of the artisan protesting against mechanised trawl and gillnetter boats. Unfortunately, trawlers as the “scientific method” stands exposed today as a major mistake as grounds after fishing grounds are becoming barren and bereft of fish. The artisanal fisher stands vindicated, though impoverished.

War against trawlers

The deployment of trawlers in the seemingly inexhaustible seas was and continue to be resolutely opposed — often violently — by artisanal fisherfolk. Caste and community did not prevent the artisanal sector from banding together as a class to wage war against the wealthier minority of trawler owners from their own community.

The state hoped that the conflict would die down as more and more people shifted from artisanal methods to the more lucrative mechanised sector. But, the artisanal sector was not pushed into obsolescence as was predicted and hoped for by state actors. Far from it, it not just grew in size, but also succeeded in forcing a reluctant state to yield significant rights — be it territory in the form of a 3-mile exclusive artisanal fishing zone or special buses for fisher women. Rather than jump from ‘kattumarams’ to trawlers, artisanal fishers opted for the intermediate technology of motorising their traditional crafts. This allowed them to go further quicker, and more importantly to police their 3-mile territory and chase off errant trawler boats preying within their zone.

Chapter two “From the Inland Out” provides a basis for understanding the evolution of developmentalism in the coast — the subject of the rest of the book. This chapter deals with the agrarian interior and the assertion of agrarian low-castes – primarily, the Nadars – and their social mobility from erstwhile farm labourers to a powerful and influential mercantile class. Contrasting the entry of the inland subaltern into “modernity” with the persistent primitivity of the coastal subaltern, Ajantha explains “coastal marginality from the inland out.”

Ajantha concludes by underscoring the importance of the shades of grey. She appeals for a “Gramscian understanding of subalternity that highlights a dialectical nature” and warns against a tendency to “maintain stark distinctions between religious and secular, spiritual and material.”

Linkhttp://www.thehindu.com/books/books-reviews/the-vindication-of-the-artisanal-fisher/article5770937.ece